Malawi has recently held another peaceful election, reaffirming its status as one of Africa’s most resilient democracies despite deep economic hardship. Dan Banik speaks with Happy Kayuni about why Malawians continue to believe in democracy even when development remains elusive.
Malawi has once again gone to the polls, reaffirming its reputation as one of Africa’s most enduring democracies. In September 2025, former president Peter Mutharika returned to power after defeating Lazarus Chakwera in a peaceful transfer of power that defied global trends of democratic decline. Despite widespread poverty, inflation, and economic stagnation, Malawians continue to place their trust in the ballot box.Â
In this episode, Dan Banik speaks with Happy Kayuni about why democracy endures in Malawi, how civic faith survives amid hardship, and what this resilience reveals about the future of democracy in developing countries.
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[DAN BANIK]
Happy, wonderful to see you. It’s been five years since you were last here in Norway—having you in the studio is a real pleasure.
[HAPPY KAYUNI]
Thank you, Dan. It’s an honor to be back in Norway.
[DAN]
There’s widespread concern about democratic backsliding globally. In that context, Malawi stands out as a beacon of hope. You’ve held regular, largely free and fair elections and sustained democracy since 1994. How do you situate Malawi’s democratic culture against the wider trend of backsliding in Africa?
[HAPPY]
Backsliding is real across Africa, including Southern Africa. Afrobarometer data show rising frustration; more citizens are entertaining the idea that one-party rule or dictatorship might be preferable, which is worrying. Yet Malawi looks different. We’re not wealthy—we rank poorly on poverty indicators—but democracy has endured since 1994. We’ve faced many challenges, but institutions have held. The 2019 presidential results were annulled by the courts, and fresh elections in 2020 went ahead peacefully. Many expected chaos; instead, rules were followed and the transition worked. Our most recent elections on 16 September were another milestone. So yes, compared to much of the region, Malawi’s democratic record stands out.
[DAN]
I’ve joked that in development debates there are “developing countries—and then there’s Malawi,” often as shorthand for deep poverty. But 2019–2020 forced many of us to change how we talk about Malawi: strong courts, institutional resilience, and a culture that accepts democracy as the only game in town. Outlets like The Economist and others praised Malawi’s example. Turning to the latest polls: incumbents typically dominate state media—MBC—and EU observers have noted that pattern. Yet despite those disadvantages for the opposition, former president Professor Peter Mutharika returned to power. Is this a big victory for the DPP?
[HAPPY]
It’s a striking result for the DPP, but the campaign was unusual. The opposition leader barely campaigned—he skipped presidential debates and held few rallies compared to the ruling party, whose president reportedly did hundreds. And despite pre-campaign tensions, the official period was peaceful. Credible polls—Afrobarometer, AIPO—consistently showed the opposition ahead. Government supporters dismissed them, but many of us expected the ruling party to lose. What surprised us was the 50%+1 outright win; we anticipated a runoff. Late-campaign fuel shortages and broader economic frustrations likely reinforced the swing to the opposition.
[DAN]
The final tally gave Professor Mutharika just over 56%, so no second round—saving time and money. Some on social media were frustrated that the MEC used its full, constitutionally allowed eight days to announce results, but transparency seemed strong: radio and TV aired unofficial tallies that made the trend clear. Perhaps that made the outcome easier to accept and helped avoid unrest.
[HAPPY]
Exactly. While MEC took the full time, broadcasters like Zodiac and Times aired ongoing, unofficial counts. The direction of travel was obvious. After 2019’s “Tippex” controversy—which led the courts to annul results—MEC was meticulous. The court’s message back then was clear: any procedural irregularity erodes trust. Taking the full eight days likely reflected that lesson.
[DAN]
We’ve now seen another peaceful transfer of power. Peter Mutharika, 85, returns. His late brother, Bingu wa Mutharika, is credited with strong growth and a tough stance on donor interference—though Malawi remains aid-dependent. Critics say politics can feel like musical chairs: the same leaders circulate. Democracy works in that parties can lose, but does it deliver development? How do you see the democracy–development link?
[HAPPY]
Former president Bakili Muluzi used to say, “People don’t eat democracy.” Since 1994, we’ve had limited tangible development progress overall. Bingu’s first term was the stand-out—clear direction on infrastructure and other areas. Peter Mutharika’s first term brought relative macro-stability, and the Chakwera years saw sharper economic decline—forex shortages, inflation, unemployment. On balance, it’s hard to claim democracy has translated into broad-based development. What democracy has sustained is hope—elections renew expectations that change is possible, even if results disappoint.
[DAN]
In 2019, youth frustration and civil society mobilization were decisive. After the 2020 “fresh elections,” there was euphoria—I felt it too. Our friend, the legal scholar Edge Kanyongolo, cautioned patience; he was right. Is it fair to say the opposition could win despite a low-energy campaign because governance underperformed?
[HAPPY]
Yes. Multiple problems compounded each other. One early concern after the Tonse Alliance took office was that civil society largely fell silent—many leaders were co-opted into government or diplomatic roles. With less pressure, accountability weakened. Only later did some pushback re-emerge, especially after the split between the president and the (now late) vice president. Voters punished poor performance.
[DAN]
A bright spot—briefly—was appointing a capable academic: our colleague Blessings Chinsinga became Minister of Local Government and National Unity. He brought expertise and energy—city-level planning initiatives, visible momentum—but he was soon removed. Rumor had it he became “too popular,” a perceived leadership threat within the party.
[HAPPY]
He added real gravitas and pushed practical innovations. That visibility may have made him a target for rivals. It’s a lesson: policy results alone aren’t enough; navigating political dynamics matters.
[DAN]
Looking ahead: aid is tightening; Malawi’s economy is small; the DPP holds around 80 seats and many independents could be courted; energy, forex, medicines, and fuel remain acute challenges. Vice President Dr. Jane Ansah is highly competent, but the administration inherits serious headwinds. Is there a credible path to near-term progress?
[HAPPY]
The president has prioritized reviving the economy and attracting investment, with talks involving the IMF. Conditionalities—like freezes on promotions and hiring—signal fiscal tightening. Fighting corruption is on the agenda, but rhetoric is easy; enforcement is hard, especially with allies facing cases. Realistically, results won’t be quick. Expectations are high, and that’s where democracy and development collide: voters want improvements now.
[DAN]
Investment needs power—reliable electricity—plus logistics solutions for a landlocked country. We’ve both written about the Shire–Zambezi waterway idea to access Mozambican ports. With aid falling, patience wears thin when living in poverty.
[HAPPY]
Exactly. Without significant donor inflows, stabilization will take time. Malawians have heard “be patient” before; frustration is understandable. The political test will be managing expectations while delivering visible, incremental wins.
[DAN]
Despite everything, I’m with you on the politics of hope: Malawi’s made real gains—life expectancy, lower HIV prevalence, reduced child mortality. Institutions have strengthened; parties do lose elections. If lessons from the past are actually applied, progress is possible.
[HAPPY]
That’s my cautious optimism. The DPP was voted out five years ago and has now returned with a fresh mandate. Their early messaging shows awareness of past mistakes. If they stay disciplined and avoid the behaviors that cost them power, there’s a window for improvement.
[DAN]
Without hope, we’re nowhere. Here’s to lessons learned—and to turning democratic resilience into development. Happy, thanks so much for joining me.
[HAPPY]
Thank you, Dan. It’s been an honor.
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